SOCIAL PROCESSES AND LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENT

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Framing Charity Advertising: Influences of
Message Framing, Image Valence, and
Temporal Framing on a Charitable Appeal1
Chun-Tuan Chang2
Department of Business Management
National Sun Yat-sen University
Kaohsiung City, Taiwan
Yu-Kang Lee
Department of Political Economy
National Sun Yat-sen University
Kaohsiung City, Taiwan
This study examined when and how charitable advertisements could be effective in
the context of child poverty. An experiment investigated the influences of message
framing, image valence, and temporal framing on a charitable appeal. The results
indicate that image valence enhances framing effects on advertising effectiveness of
a charitable appeal when the image is congruent with the framed message, especially
when the image and the message are presented negatively. A short-term temporal
frame facilitates effects of a negatively framed message with a negative pictorial
presentation. Alternatively, a long-term temporal frame increases advertising influences
of a positively framed message with a positive pictorial image. Relevance for
information processing of charity advertising is discussed.jasp_555 2910..2935
In civil society, social welfare is delivered not only through government
agencies, but also through various nonprofit organizations (NPOs). Both
types of organizations attempt to build a humane society and coordinate
humanitarianism activities in the interest of deprived people. In recent years,
all levels of governments have faced shrinking revenues, and NPOs can
no longer rely heavily on governmental funding to sustain or expand their
philanthropic activities (Nelson, Brunel, Supphellen, & Manchanda, 2006).
Charitable donations, therefore, have become vital financial sources for the
ongoing development of NPOs.
Individual giving is always the largest single source of donations, and
more than 60% of U.S. households give to charity (Ruotolo, 2006). This is
1The earlier findings of this research were presented at the conference of European Association
of Consumer Research and at the annual meeting of the Association of Consumer
Research. The authors thank the conference audience and the reviewers for their valuable
comments and suggestions. The authors also appreciate the financial support of the National
Science Council, Republic of China.
2Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Chun-Tuan Chang, Department
of Business Management, National Sun Yat-sen University, No. 70, Lianhai Road,
Gushan District, Kaohsiung City 804, Taiwan. E-mail: [email protected] or to
Yu-Kang Lee, Department of Political Economy, National Sun Yat-sen University, No. 70
Lianhai Road, Gushan District, Kaohsiung City, 804, Taiwan. Email: [email protected]
2910
Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 2009, 39, 12, pp. 2910–2935.
© 2009 Copyright the Authors
Journal compilation © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
broadly comparable with countries like the UK, Canada, and Australia
(Burnett, 1993; Hibbert & Horne, 1996; Pharoah et al., 2006). Since such a
large proportion of the income for charities is provided by individual donations,
how to frame messages proficiently to maximize the responses among
public contributors is an important arena in the marketing of NPOs, especially
when fundraising competitions among NPOs are fierce.
Framing is a communication strategy that is used frequently by marketing
campaigners. The way information is labeled or framed may significantly
influence consumers’ judgments and decisions (for a review, see Levin,
Schneider, & Gaeth, 1998). This phenomenon has expanded into diversified
promotion scenarios (e.g., health behaviors, products, public policy; Banks
et al., 1995; Druckman, 2001; Ganzach & Karsahi, 1995). Nevertheless, unresolved
issues in framing research on choice behaviors still remain (e.g.,
Chang, 2007a, 2007b). The present article contributes to this research stream
by applying framing concepts in promoting charitable campaigns to demonstrate
that message framing might not be equally persuasive in all conditions,
and could be moderated by two communication format factors: image
valence and temporal framing.
NPOs use a variety of advertising practices, some of which can be unorthodox.
An appealing ad of a charity promotion generally contains framing
heuristics, such as clear and touching words, vivid images, and persuasive
statistical evidence of a public welfare issue to enhance impressions, to stimulate
sympathy, and to motivate donations. The present research tests the idea
that responses to charitable appeals could be influenced by message framing
and presentations of vivid images, and determines whether statistics in
different temporal frames would modify framing effects.
How should advertisers frame a message for promoting a charitable
donation? Should they emphasize potential gains resulting from the donation
or the negative consequences of not making the donation? Will the
effects of vivid pictorial information always be positive in influencing
individuals’ attitudes toward donation promotion and induce compliance
with a request? How should advertisers frame the statistics regarding the
charitable issue? Will influences of aforementioned information presentations
about a charitable issue cause interaction effects on advertising
effectiveness?
Child poverty, a pressing social policy issue of the 21st century in the
United States and elsewhere around the globe, was adopted as a charitable
context in the present research. The United Nations Children’s Fund
(UNICEF), a UN agency dedicated to improving the health and general
welfare of children worldwide, reports that more than 30% of children in
developing countries (about 600 million) live on less than $1 US per day.
Every night, 2.7 million children go to bed hungry. Every 3.6 seconds, a
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2911
person dies of starvation, and usually it is a child under the age of five
(UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2005).
Documented effects of child poverty include increased mortality and
illness, impaired brain function, high rates of mental illness, and decreased
school achievement (Lewit, Terman, & Behrman, 1997). In the United States,
the child poverty rate was more than 20% in 2005 (UNICEF Innocenti
Research Centre, 2005). Swanson (2004) described child poverty as a social
time bomb that eventually will affect taxpayers of all states in increased
crime, welfare, and prison costs. Despite the large social costs of this crisis,
remarkably little attention has been directed at this social issue in charity
marketing. Thus, how to frame the issue of child poverty effectively in an ad
is the focus of the current study.
Conceptual Background and Hypotheses
Message Framing and Applications in a Charitable Appeal
Framing research is grounded in the basic tenets of prospect theory
(Kahneman & Tversky, 1979; Tversky & Kahneman, 1981). Framing refers
to the presentation of one of two equivalent value outcomes to different
decision makers, where one outcome is presented in positive or gain terms,
and the other is presented in negative or loss terms. Labeling a glass of water
“half empty” or “half full” is an illustration of message framing, as each label
presents only one side of the information (Martin, 1995). Understanding
framing effects may aid the development of creative and persuasive advertising
copy and layout (Arora, 2000).
Researchers endeavor to adopt framing concepts in public-matter promotion
(e.g., Chong & Druckman, 2007; Druckman, 2001; Iyengar &
Kinder, 1987; Price & Tewksbury, 1997). An issue can be framed in a deliberately
constructed message. Iyengar and Kinder indicated that people’s
knowledge and justification about public affairs might be substantially
shaped by the selection and presentation of information. Issue framing
effects occur when, in the course of describing an issue or event, a speaker’s
emphasis on a subset of potentially relevant considerations causes individuals
to focus on these considerations when constructing their opinions
(Druckman, 2001). Various framing tactics have been extended mainly to
applications in the charity-solicitation literature, emphasizing donation
requests, such as with foot-in-the-door techniques (Schibrowsky & Peltier,
1995) and framing-anchoring techniques (Smith & Berger, 1996). However,
the effects of goal framing have not been explored on charitable promotion
and solicitations.
2912 CHANG AND LEE
Charitable donation can be promoted through positively framed messages
(e.g., “With your help, an unfortunate child can have an opportunity
for a bright future”) or negatively framed ones (e.g., “Without your help, an
unfortunate child will remain living in the dark”) with the same goal (i.e.,
donation behavior promotion). Previous studies have suggested that both
positive and negative frames will enhance the evaluation of the issue, as
compared with information presented neutrally, but the question here is
which type of goal framing is the more powerful enhancer (Levin et al., 1998).
Consumer research studies have found negative information to be more
attention-grabbing and persuasive than positive information when people
scrutinize and process information systematically (Banks et al., 1995;
Homer & Yoon, 1992).
The phenomenon of negativity bias has been proposed as an explanation
for the greater salience and distinctiveness of loss or negative framing
(Martin, 1995). Negatively framed messages are more likely to violate people’s
expectations (Buda & Zhang, 2000). People are more accustomed to
seeing arguments framed in positive (i.e., gain) terms, rather than negative
(i.e., loss) ones. Studies have suggested that when information in a message
violates expectations, it is subject to greater scrutiny (Levin et al., 1998).
The other possible explanation for the effectiveness of negative framing is
that it could create an interacting state. The message could arouse or emotionally
activate consumers (Mayer, Gaschke, Braverman, & Evans, 1992).
Negatively framed messages increase consumers’ need for information about
potential negative consequences and ways to avoid their occurrence, because
the messages contain negative consequence information that is arousing and
that offers remedies for overcoming this arousal (Burnkrant & Sawyer, 1983;
Chang, 2007a, 2007b).
Similar principles can be applied to charitable appeals. Negatively
framed messages tend to arouse viewers’ self-relevance, consciousness, and
sympathy regarding the serious consequences if no action is taken. This
increased need for information reflects individuals’ motivation to process
the message. Many charitable appeals also exhibit the attempt to materialize
the donor’s social responsibility by making him or her feel connected
(Smith & Berger, 1996). When people face threats of undesirable social
changes in the future, they tend to change their behaviors in an effort to
avert the threat, which leads them to protect the status quo by supporting
the public policy (Miller & Krosnick, 2004; Miller, Krosnick, Lowe, & Holbrook,
2002). Presenting outcomes that emphasize negative consequences,
mistakes, or inertia may increase donors’ sense of confronting guilt and
responsibility and may cause donors to be more concerned about loss aversion.
Donors may thus give to avoid negative beneficiary outcomes. We
proposed the following:
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2913
Hypothesis 1.When promoting a charitable donation, messages
that are framed negatively will be more effective than those that
are framed positively.
Moderator of Image Valence on Message Framing Effects
Although negativity bias is commonly used to explain the superior
effectiveness of negative framing (i.e., loss framing), recent meta-analytical
research by O’Keefe and Jensen (2007) has suggested that negative framing
may not always be persuasive. A contingent variable—image valence—is
proposed to moderate message framing effects. Image display is widely used
in a charitable appeal to enhance vividness effects (Perrine & Heather, 2000;
Thornton, Kirchner, & Jacobs, 1991).
Previous advertising research has illustrated the idea that “a picture is
worth a thousand words” (Edell & Staelin, 1983; Goolkasian, 2000; Houston,
Childers, & Heckler, 1987; Schneider et al., 2001). A negative picture is
frequently seen in emotional appeals, intending to increase altruism toward a
needy recipient, and thus facilitate charitable giving behaviors (Coke, Batson,
& McDavis, 1978). Such appeals frequently contain a photograph
depicting a person in need, presumably designed to personalize the intended
beneficiaries, enhance compassion, and motivate the responsiveness of
potential donors.
Thornton et al. (1991) empirically investigated photographic effects, and
indicated that the use of a negative photograph was more effective in eliciting
greater contributions, compared to the non-photographic condition. In their
experiments, a photograph of a tragic child with tears on his cheek served as
an effective attention-grabber to attract people. However, some researchers
speculate that these vivid appeals with a negative picture do not necessarily
guarantee that attitudes or behaviors will be positive. Isen and Noonberg
(1979), for instance, examined the influence of vivid pictures on contributions
to charity and suggested that people who see unpleasant pictures contribute
less than people who do not see the same pictures. Potential donors perceive
a photograph of a handicapped child as a clear demand for sympathy and
donations. Reaction against this manipulation would result in desire to
restore a sense of freedom of action. The likely consequence of this reaction
would result in less sympathy and fewer donations. A possible explanation is
provided by Pratkanis and Aronson (1992) that when the vivid information
evokes a negative response, then the appeal may backfire.
Previous studies have focused mainly on the vividness effects of pictorial
images (i.e., comparison between vivid information in pictorial display and
non-vivid condition) without examining positive vivid pictorial information
2914 CHANG AND LEE
(e.g., Isen & Noonberg, 1979; Thornton et al., 1991). We now expand on this
research by examining image valence (i.e., presenting vivid pictorial information
either positively or negatively in a framed message). Stimulus congruity
between peripheral and central ad cues has been examined in advertising
research (e.g., picture–word congruency, Edell & Staelin 1983; Heckler &
Childers, 1992; Houston et al., 1987; verbal–visual congruency, Schneider
et al., 2001; music–message congruency, Kellaris, Cox, & Cox, 1993).
When the vivid presentation is congruent with the message content, it
increases attention (e.g., McGill & Anand, 1989). Under such circumstances,
a vivid picture could create mental images that are easily retrieved and
interact with message content to facilitate information processing and retention
of both the images and the message arguments (Schneider et al., 2001).
Thus, advertising effectiveness can be enhanced. Nevertheless, a vivid picture
can reduce the ability to process a message if the images and thoughts
brought to mind are inconsistent. Under such circumstances, by occupying
individuals’ working memory with information incongruent with the
message, vivid presentation may make it more difficult for individuals to
process and remember the message arguments (Smith & Shaffer, 2000). In a
charitable giving context, the use of an incongruent picture might induce a
bad mood, produce reactance, or be too cognitively complex, thus distracting
potential donors and thereby resulting in decreased contributions (Isen &
Noonberg, 1979). Therefore, it is hypothesized that image valence might
interact with message framing on the effectiveness of a charitable appeal. We
propose the following:
Hypothesis 2. Congruency between a vivid picture and a framed
message will be more effective than will incongruency between a
vivid picture and a framed message.
Moderator of Temporal Framing on Message Framing Effects
Consumers are sensitive to the manner in which statistics-based information
is delivered (Chandran & Menon, 2004; Chang, 2006; Gourville, 2003;
Wong & Kwong, 2005). Temporal framing is a common format of statistical
presentation. Statistics can be expressed differently in terms of a temporal
frame (e.g., every year, every month, every day, every minute) that objectively
refers to the same time period (e.g., Chandran & Menon, 2004; Gourville,
2003). For example, we may frame the child poverty issue as “About 1,250
children die each hour due to poverty,” or “About 11 million children die
each year.”
Temporal framing can be explained with the old saying “not seeing the
forest for the trees.” Across different health domains, researchers have found
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2915
that, compared with health hazard statistics in every-year framing, every-day
framing makes risk appear more proximal and concrete and results in
increased self-risk perceptions, intentions to exercise precautionary behaviors,
concern and anxiety about the hazard, and effective risk communication
(Chandran & Menon, 2004). Hence, a short-term temporal frame (e.g.,
every day) through a small number size could enhance the communication
persuasion.
However, some researchers hold opposite observations that statistics
with a large size can be more effective (Elwyn, Edwards, & Kinnersley, 1999;
Tversky & Kahneman, 1974; Yamagishi, 1997). According to the concept of
base-rate neglect, people underutilize relative information about population
statistics (i.e., denominator of frequency information) and instead overutilize
other salient information, such as a number-size frequency (i.e., numerator;
Elwyn et al., 1999; Tversky & Kahneman, 1974; Yamagishi, 1997). Yamagishi
analyzed the rankings of 11 common causes of death given by undergraduates
and suggested that a risk would be judged as more serious when the
death rates are expressed by incidence with a larger base (e.g., 1,286 out of
10,000) than a smaller one (e.g., 24.14 out of 100).
The observed effects of different statistical formats violate a basic tenet of
rational decision making; that is, descriptive invariance (Tversky, Sattath, &
Slovic, 1988), which argues that individuals should be indifferent to various
ways of framing the same issue. Siegrist (1997) also showed that risk information
via a frequency format (e.g., 600 out of 1,000 people will die) leads to
more risk-averse behavior than that via percentage (incidence rate) form
(e.g., 60% of people will die). Chang (2006) further suggested that individuals’
cognitive judgments are influenced by altering the anchoring points (i.e.,
actual numbers of deaths, irrespective of actual rates), and frequency information
with a larger number size may thus increase perceptions of outcome
efficacy. Based on the previous discussion, no consistent theory can be drawn
to explain the main effect of temporal framing.
In the current research, we are interested in the interaction between
temporal-framing and message-framing effects in an attempt to investigate
how statistics in different temporal frames will affect the way individuals
interpret information and influence advertising effectiveness of message
framing. Because of the norm of social responsibility, people are expected to
help disadvantaged ones (Nelson et al., 2006). Presenting a charitable issue
using statistics in a long-term temporal frame may increase the perceived
seriousness of the social issue because of its large size. Individuals may
perceive that the issue is more threatening and may lead to potential detrimental
consequences. When the message is framed negatively (e.g., “without
your donation”), statistics framed in a long-term temporal frame by presenting
a large aggregate number could make the consequences severe and
2916 CHANG AND LEE
intense, enhancing the negativity bias. On the contrary, when the issue is
positively presented (e.g., “with your donation”), statistics in a short-term
temporal frame may be more effective than those in a long-term temporal
frame because the small number may make the goal more attainable and
further facilitate willingness to help.
Hypothesis 3. Temporal framing will moderate the relationship
between message framing and advertising effectiveness. Statistics
in a long-term temporal frame will be more effective in a
negatively framed message, but those in a short-term temporal
frame will be more effective in a positively framed message.
Interrelationship Among Message Framing, Image Valence,
and Temporal Framing
The last focus of the present research addresses a three-way interaction
among message framing, image valence, and temporal framing. One question
remains unanswered: Will temporal framing moderate the effects of congruency
between a vivid picture and a framed message? The arguments are
developed following the logic of Hypothesis 2 that congruency between
image valence and message framing will be more effective than will incongruency.
Using an appropriate temporal frame will enhance the advertising
effectiveness of a charitable appeal when the message and image valence are
congruent. Therefore, discussion will focus on the conditions of congruent
messages.
As discussed earlier, when the donation message is negatively framed, a
negative vivid picture will make the message congruent and will increase
advertising effectiveness as a result of negativity bias. Nevertheless, recent
research by Chang (2007b) has suggested that negative message framing may
backfire when the perceived risk is high, because people may become less able
to cope with additional negative information in a health context. Although
statistics in a long-term temporal frame may enhance the effects of a negatively
framed message, those large numbers could cause boomerang effects
on advertising effectiveness when the charitable issue is perceived as serious.
In a charitable giving context, when the tone of a message is too negative, the
altruistic faith and perceived efficacy of donations may be reduced. Potential
donors may feel that the problematic situation is too severe to be solved
merely by his or her donation, resulting in the potential donor giving up on
helping. Instead, statistics in a short-term temporal frame by using a small
number could assist in avoiding such potential boomerang effects (caused by
the congruent negative message and picture) by providing helpful informa-
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2917
tion that the charitable goal is attainable. Thus, it is predicted that in the case
of negative message framing with a negative picture, the advertising effects
will be increased when statistics are presented in a short-term temporal
frame, as opposed to a long-term one.
There is a flip side. A positively framed message could be effective when a
vivid picture is also positive because the message–image congruency may
facilitate information processing. Statistics in a short-term temporal frame
may not be advantageous because it will make potential donors underestimate
the charitable issue and be overoptimistic about the situation, which
may decrease their intentions to help. On the other hand, statistics in a
long-term temporal frame may increase the perceived severity of the circumstances
through base-rate neglect. A balance between the effects of positive
message (i.e., congruent positive message and picture) and base-rate neglect
can be maintained. Thus, the hypotheses of the three-way interaction effect
are as follows:
Hypothesis 4a. Temporal framing will moderate the effects of
congruency between image valence and message framing on the
advertising effectiveness of a charitable appeal.
Hypothesis 4b. When the message is framed negatively with a
negative vivid picture, statistics in a short-term temporal frame
will be more effective than will those in a long-term temporal
frame.
Hypothesis 4c. When the message is framed positively with a
positive vivid picture, statistics in a long-term temporal frame
will be more effective than will those in a short-term temporal
frame.
Method
Research Design
Moderating roles of image valence and temporal framing on message
framing effects were explored in a 2 (Message Framing: positive vs. negative)
¥ 2 (Image Valence: positive picture vs. negative picture) ¥ 2 (Temporal
Frame: short-term vs. long-term) factorial design. A combination of
messages, pictures, and statistical information yielded eight versions of
advertisements.
The experiment was a between-subjects design and was conducted
through the Internet. An Internet survey may help to reduce social pressures
2918 CHANG AND LEE
associated with a face-to-face request that induces individuals to contribute,
and may represent true responses. Potential respondents received an e-mail
invitation to participate in the study through a highlighted hyperlink to
access the designed website instantly.
The respondents were asked to evaluate a poster that would be used to
launch a forthcoming charitable campaign regarding the importance of
making personal donations for child poverty. They were then randomly
exposed to one of eight treatment versions by viewing a poster. After viewing
the particular poster, the respondents clicked the “Continue” button and
completed a questionnaire containing dependent measures, manipulation
checks, charity experiences, and demographics. The server detected the completeness
of those questions and allowed respondents to click the “Submit”
button. After submission, the participants were debriefed. Special attention
was given to ensure that no participants would seek out this fictitious NPO
and the promoted donation activity depicted in the poster.
Participants
A list of potential participants was collected through the MSN membership
directory.3 Stratified sampling of age was chosen to select participants.
We sent 2,000 messages in October 2005, inviting individuals to participate in
the Web survey with a brief introduction of the research project and the
authors’ affiliations. There were 178 adults (96 males, 82 females) who participated
in the experiment between October 2005 and November 2005.
Response rate was 8.9%. Participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 64 years
(M = 38.4 years, SD = 5.4).
Manipulations of Message Framing, Image Valence, and Temporal Framing
Prior to the experiment, a pre-test on the manipulations of the research
variables was run on 30 undergraduates from an introductory marketing
course who did not take part in the main experiment. The pre-test covered the
following sets of sentences, and students were asked to identify the tone of the
message as follows (the positive message framing condition appears first,
while the negative message framing condition appears in parentheses):
If only every child was born with a silver spoon. With your
donation, their life could become hopeful. (There are no silver
3The MSN membership directory provides an advanced member search by user name,
gender, age range, and other search criteria through http://members.msn.com/
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2919
spoons for children born into poverty. Without your donation,
their life would be hopeless.)
The students reported a lower rating in identifying the tone of the negatively
framed message (M= 1.42) than that of the positive one (M = 6.12), F(1,
29) = 16.45, p < .01, on a 7-point semantic-differential scale ranging from 1
(mostly negative) to 7 (mostly positive). In the main experiment, the positive
message framing condition contained the aforementioned excerpts.
To manipulate image valence, we pre-tested six sets of photographs on the
same 30 pilot participants and assessed the images they reported to choose a
positive and a negative photograph in the experiment. They were asked to
rate each image listed relative to the child’s well-being on a 7-point scale
ranging from 1 (negative) to 7 ( positive). Two photographs were selected to
be the positive (M = 6.01) and negative (M = 1.82) images, respectively, F(1,
29) = 13.98, p < .01.4 The objects in the baby’s mouth metaphorically represent
possible future outcomes of the baby’s life. A silver spoon in one’s mouth
means being born into a life of opportunity and prosperity, while a cockroach
signifies poor living conditions.
Based on objective statistics from Poverty Facts and Stats (Shah, 2006),
temporal framing was manipulated through child poverty’s occurrence rate
in a short-term temporal frame (i.e., 1,250 children die each hour as a result
of poverty) or a long-term temporal frame (i.e., about 11 million children die
each year as a result of poverty). The pre-test confirmed that participants
perceived the two temporal frames differently. They used a 7-point scale
ranging from 1 (statistics with a small size number) to 7 (statistics with a large
size number), F(1, 29) = 10.55, p < .01 (short-term temporal frame, M = 2.39;
long-term temporal frame, M = 5.44). Figures 1 and 2 present examples of
the manipulated posters.
Post-Manipulation Measures
Thought-listing task. After exposure to the poster, participants were
asked to write their thoughts down in the form of an open-ended question.
Thought-listing measures have a lower likelihood of respondents’ boredom,
capture a broad range of responses, and reduce the common method covariation
with other objective scale measures (Homer & Yoon, 1992). The task
could help identify possible cognitive or affective responses that participants
came up with when first looking at the poster.
4The authors acknowledge the generous permission of Barnardo’s for allowing us to use
images from their award-winning 2003 and 2004 child poverty campaigns, and to modify the
content for our research.
2920 CHANG AND LEE
Behavioral intention. Intention was assessed in terms of the likelihood of
participating in voluntary work, making a donation, and recommending
donation activity to family or friends on a three-item, 7-point scale ranging
from 1 (unlikely) to 7 (likely). The items were derived from past research
(Bagozzi &Warshaw, 1990; Batra & Stephens, 1994; Maheswaran &Meyers-
Levy, 1990). The three items were averaged to derive a composite rating to
quantify the advertising effectiveness. Higher numbers indicate higher behavioral
intention, resulting in higher advertising effectiveness.
Informativeness measure. Participants indicated how interesting, annoying,
good, informative, and appealing the poster was to them. Ratings were
made on 7-point scales (Chang, 2007a). An index was created by calculating
the mean of the five items. Experimental versions should not differ in terms
of amount and quality of information the participants perceived.
Manipulation checks. Respondents were asked to indicate how phrases in
the ad were framed on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (negative) to 7 ( positive).
Figure 1. Positive framing: Positive vivid picture, and statistics in a long-term temporal frame.
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2921
They also indicated how the issue of child poverty was presented in the
photograph on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 ( presenting the dark side) to 7
( presenting the bright side). The midpoint was labeled neutral. Participants
were also asked to specify how the poster portrayed the statistics of the child
poverty occurrence rate on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (frequency information
with small number size) to 7 (frequency information with large number size).
Charity experiences. Respondents were asked whether they had helped
charities during the past 12 months in the form of voluntary services or
monetary donations. A question assessing the largest monetary donation
amount during the past 12 months was also included.
Demographics. Age, gender, educational level, annual income, marital
status, and family loading were assessed. These factors may influence the
likelihood of charitable donation (e.g., Lee & Chang, 2007). For instance,
gender roles have been identified as an important determinant of reactions to
charitable appeals (Brunel & Nelson, 2000, 2003; Nelson et al., 2006).Women
tend to promote social change (i.e., related to an altruistic motive) and help
others who are less fortunate (Newman, 2000). In addition, once people
Figure 2. Negative framing: Negative vivid picture, and statistics in a short-term temporal
frame.
2922 CHANG AND LEE
become parents, they tend to be more socially aware and are more likely to
engage in social welfare issues (Henley Centre Research, 2003), which might
increase the tendency of supporting a charity. Related demographics were
considered as potential variables that might confound the experiment’s
results.
Results
An initial analysis was conducted to determine whether any of the demographic
variables moderated behavioral intention. Only gender was found to
be influential in determining behavioral intention. Female participants
tended to have higher behavioral intention (M = 4.66) than did their
male counterparts (M = 3.52), F(1, 177) = 5.89, p < .05. Scale reliability was
checked, and Cronbach’s alphas of .89 and .93 were obtained for the informativeness
measure and behavioral intention, respectively. No statistically
significant difference was shown on the informativeness measure, F(1,
177) = 0.51, ns, thus suggesting that the eight posters were perceived as
equally informative.
Manipulation Checks
Manipulations were checked. As expected, participants reported a higher
rating on the semantic-differential scale in identifying the positively framed
message (M= 4.95) and stated low scores in the negatively framed one
(M = 2.87), F(1, 177) = 23.02, p < .01. Respondents in the negativephotograph
conditions were more likely to judge the posters as emphasizing
the dark side of child poverty (M = 3.21), whereas those in the positivephotograph
conditions judged the posters as focusing on the bright side of a
potential donation (M = 4.77), F(1, 177) = 18.99, p < .01.
Participants responding to the conditions of the long-term temporal frame
tended to perceive the statistics with a large number size (M = 5.19), whereas
those responding to the conditions of the short-term temporal frame were
more likely to judge the statistics with a small number size (M = 2.62), F(1,
177) = 23.02, p < .01. The results indicate that the manipulation of temporal
framing was also successful. The overall results confirm that respondents
correctly identified the emphasis that the posters were designed to convey.
Thought-Listing Analysis
Two judges, who were blind to experimental conditions, independently
coded the thoughts listed into either favorable (i.e., a statement expressing a
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2923
positive reaction to the charitable donation) or unfavorable (i.e., a statement
expressing a negative reaction to the charitable donation), neutral (i.e., a
statement expressing a reaction that was neither clearly positive nor clearly
negative), or unrelated (i.e., a statement not associated with reactions to the
donation) and calculated the number of thoughts.5 Interrater agreement was
high (g = .92), and disagreements were resolved through discussion.
Examples of favorable thoughts include “Helping those unfortunate children
is important,” and “Children are our future, and we have to help them.”
Unfavorable thoughts include “Children’s well-being should be the responsibility
of the government, instead of us,” “There are other social problems
more urgent to be fixed,” and “Donations don’t seem useful.” Women tended
to have more thoughts than did men after viewing the ad (women, M = 2.92;
men,M = 1.95), F(1, 177) = 8.78, p < .01. Furthermore, women were inclined
to have more favorable thoughts than were men (women, M = 2.23; men,
M = 1.02), F(1, 177) = 10.01, p < .01.
An ANCOVA controlling for gender yielded significant main effects
of message framing, F(1, 177) = 5.83, p < .05; and image valence, F(1,
177) = 11.33, p < .01, on the number of thoughts. To be specific, the number
of thoughts individuals had after reading the negatively framed messages
(M = 3.11) tended to be higher than after reading the positively framed ones
(M = 2.52). Compared with a positive vivid photograph (M = 1.86), participants
indicated more thoughts after viewing a negative one (M = 3.44).
Besides, the respondents who viewed the message–photograph congruency
posters (i.e., the positively framed message with the positive photograph or
the negatively framed message with the negative photograph;M = 3.64) identified
more responses than did those who viewed the incongruent message–
photograph posters (M = 3.09), F(1, 177) = 5.74, p < .05. In addition, the
negative congruent version evoked more favorable thoughts than unfavorable
ones (favorable thoughts, M = 2.11; unfavorable thoughts, M = 1.52).
The opposite result was found in the positive congruent condition (favorable
thoughts, M = 1.11; unfavorable thoughts, M = 1.96).
Tests of Main Hypotheses
A series of ANCOVAs controlling for gender were employed to test the
hypotheses. The results are presented in Table 1 and are discussed in the
5The coding scheme used here represents participants’ thought valence. Other coding
schemes (e.g., positive–negative thoughts about ad execution, positive–negative thoughts about
the charity, self vs. others’ thoughts) were also initially considered. Unfortunately, not enough
valid responses could be used for those analyses.
2924 CHANG AND LEE
order of the hypotheses.6 First of all, the main effect of message framing was
significant, F(1, 177) = 7.55, p < .05. The results support Hypothesis 1, which
predicted that negative framing (M = 5.07) would be more effective than
positive framing (M = 4.60). No main effects of image valence or temporal
framing were observed (Fs < 1). Furthermore, two 2-way interactions were
obtained. A significant two-way interaction effect between message framing
and image valence was found, F(1, 177) = 5.42, p < .05. Post hoc tests with
Bonferroni’s adjustment were further performed.
Congruency between message framing and image valence elicited higher
behavioral intention than did incongruency between message framing and
image valence (negatively framed message/negative vivid picture, M = 5.63;
positively framed message/positive vivid picture,M = 5.06; negatively framed
message/positive vivid picture, M = 4.55; positively framed message/negative
vivid picture, M = 4.23). Thus, Hypothesis 2 was confirmed. In addition, a
two-way interaction effect between message framing and temporal framing
was significant, F(1, 177) = 5.87, p < .05.
The results with post hoc tests indicate that when the message was framed
negatively, the statistics presented in a long-term temporal frame (M = 5.21)
were more effective than those in a short-term temporal frame (M = 4.96),
6An analysis using gender as an independent measure was also conducted. No interactions
were found between gender and researched variables.
Table 1
ANCOVA of Advertising Effectiveness
Source df F Mean square p
Gender 1 5.89* 5.95 .036
Message framing (M) 1 7.55* 7.72 .020
Image valence (I) 1 0.38 0.41 .871
Temporal framing (T) 1 0.93 1.01 .614
M ¥ I 1 5.42* 5.49 .041
M ¥ T 1 5.87* 5.92 .034
I ¥ T 1 0.50 0.52 .485
M ¥ I ¥ T 1 7.07* 7.13 .031
Error 169 21.37a — —
aMean square error.
*p < .05.
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2925
F(1, 86) = 5.71, p < .05. The opposite findings were observed when the
message was framed positively (long-term temporal frame, M = 4.52;
short-term temporal frame, M = 4.75), F(1, 90) = 5.65, p < .05. Therefore,
Hypothesis 3 was supported.
As predicted, a significant three-way interaction of message framing,
image valence, and temporal framing was found, F(1, 177) = 7.07, p < .05.
Thus, Hypothesis 4a was supported. The results were further examined,
according to differently framed messages, as depicted in Figures 3 and 4.
When soliciting the donation in the negatively framed message with a negative
vivid photograph displayed, statistics framed in a short-term temporal
frame (M = 5.81) were found to be more effective than were those in a
long-term temporal frame (M = 5.45), F(1, 50) = 5.34, p < .05. Conversely,
when framing the donation message positively with a positive vivid photograph,
statistics in a long-term temporal frame (M = 5.23) were more effective
than were those in a short-term temporal frame (M = 4.90), F(1,
51) = 5.28, p < .05. The results are consistent with Hypotheses 4b and 4c.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Negative
photo
Positive
photo
Vivid photo
Behavioral intention
Short
temporal
frame
Long
temporal
frame
Figure 3. Interactive effect of positivemessage framing, image valence, and temporal framing on
advertising effectiveness of a charitable appeal. Note. Advertising effectiveness was measured on
the index of behavioral intention; higher numbers indicate higher behavioral intention, resulting
in higher advertising effectiveness.
2926 CHANG AND LEE
Discussion
In the current research, framing heuristics for inducing compliance with a
request were examined as their abilities to maximize the effectiveness of
charitable appeals. The results support the general proposal that advertising
effectiveness depends on complicated interrelationships among message
framing, image valence, and temporal framing. Starting with goal framing,
we considered negativity bias as the framing theory. Applying framing heuristics
to charity advertising, the results show that a charitable message that
is framed negatively leads to higher advertising effectiveness than one that is
framed positively. This lends qualified support to the phenomenon of negativity
bias (e.g., Chang, 2007a, 2007b; Martin, 1995) to provide an empirical
application of loss aversion in a charitable context.
In addition to message framing, image valence with vivid picture presentation
was found to be influential in charity advertising. Although previous
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Negative
photo
Positive
photo
Vivid photo
Behavioral intention
Short
temporal
frame
Long
temporal
frame
Figure 4. Interactive effect of negative message framing, image valence, and temporal framing
on advertising effectiveness of a charitable appeal. Note. Advertising effectiveness was measured
on the index of behavioral intention; higher numbers indicate higher behavioral intention,
resulting in higher advertising effectiveness.
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2927
findings have indicated that vivid pictures can enhance communication effectiveness
(Edell & Staelin, 1983; Houston et al., 1987), we went one step
further to investigate the influences of image valence (i.e., positive vs. negative).
A pictorial image corresponding to the message was shown to increase
the impact of message framing, especially when both were presented negatively.
The thought-listing analysis provided evidence of information processing
that the number of thoughts and the thought valence of participants
depend on whether the message and the image are congruent. Compared with
message–image incongruency, message–image congruency enabled participants
to generate more thoughts. Participants who viewed the negative congruent
messages were more likely to have favorable thoughts, and those who
read the positive congruent message were inclined to have unfavorable
thoughts. The negative image seemed to boost the persuasion power of
negative message in the experiment, which is consistent with previous findings
that negative images increase persuasive appeals in promoting charitable
appeals (e.g., animal shelters, Pratkanis & Aronson, 1992; world hunger,
Thornton et al., 1991). Our results also confirm the findings of Smith and
Shaffer (2000) that vividness may undermine message effectiveness. Incongruency
between image valence and message framing actually reduced the
advertising effects.
Interestingly, it appears that some NPOs have caught onto the idea of
using vividness techniques to promote their causes in practice. For instance,
Barnardo’s (one of the most prominent NPOs eliminating child poverty in
the UK and around the globe) has utilized hard-hitting images, which were
arguably controversial, to draw public attention. Those ads can be very
powerful tools to highlight the damage child poverty can cause for children,
which encourages policymakers to search for solutions (Morgan, 2000). A
negatively framed message, especially with a matched image attached, could
more concretely illustrate miserable outcomes when help is not given. Under
such circumstances, potential donors may feel sympathy and a responsibility
to help.
Temporal framing was found to moderate the message framing effects.
Previous studies of base-rate neglect focused on areas including public health
communication (Elwyn et al., 1999; Yamagishi, 1997) and consumer product
evaluation (Chang, 2006; Wong & Kwong, 2005). This study is one of the
first to explore the impact of statistical framing in the field of charity advertising.
Statistics in a long-term temporal frame (with a large number size)
could enhance the influences of negativity bias, and thus facilitate the effects
of negative framing. However, we found that the advantageous effects of
large number size may not always occur. A three-way interaction among
temporal framing, message framing, and vivid pictorial information was
found.
2928 CHANG AND LEE
A noteworthy finding of our experimental results is that the effects of
base-rate neglect may become limited when the framed message and the vivid
photograph are both negative. Statistics in a long-term temporal frame could
have exaggerating effects on the severity of the charitable issue and could
backfire on potential donors’ behavioral intentions when people may already
see the issue pessimistically. Using statistics in a short-term temporal frame
can avoid such boomerang effects and maintain a balance between perceived
severity and intention to help.
This article makes noteworthy theoretical and managerial contributions
to charity advertising, information processing, decision making, and practice.
It integrates the message framing, negativity bias, vividness effects,
message congruency, and base-rate neglect literature to examine the effects of
framing heuristics on individuals’ responses to persuasive ads promoting
charitable donations. In addition to going beyond simple demonstrations of
message effectiveness, the article attempts to clarify when framing effects are
likely to be observed, reversed, or eliminated with considerations of factors
from pictorial display and statistical presentation. Understanding the importance
of advertising framing is extended by providing evidence that different
information formats can affect advertising effectiveness in different ways.
The limitations inherent in this study present opportunities for future
research. First, research should examine whether the nature of charitable
contexts would moderate framing effects. Generalizing our results across
charity/nonprofit areas, such as underprivileged groups of patients with
serious diseases, environmental protection, and science and art promotion
would be desirable. The nature of charitable issues might determine whether
negative pictorial display can strengthen or weaken communication effectiveness,
depending on how people perceive whether the situation can be
improved or remedied. For instance, differences between our findings and
those reported by Isen and Noonberg (1979) may reflect the specific nature of
charitable appeals and the particular photographs employed. With the
March of Dimes’ poster child in Isen and Noonberg’s study, people may have
reacted negatively to a negative photograph because they perceived that little
or nothing could be done to help the person depicted when requests are made
for the purpose of prevention of birth defects, rather than treating them. A
perceived incongruency between the depicted person and the stated purpose
of a solicitation may contribute to the photograph being counterproductive.
The nature of child poverty may be different from that of being born
disabled. The issue of child poverty can be remediable and treatable. Negative
vivid photographs might stimulate more sympathy and compassion
toward the figure in the ad (i.e., underprivileged little baby in our case) and
provoke approving attitudes toward the promoted charitable appeals. Such
differentiation may be validated in future research.
FRAMING CHARITY ADVERTISING 2929
Second, different manipulations of vivid information and statistical presentation
may be considered in future research. Case stories are recognized
as a popular alternative to create vividness effects (e.g., Rook, 1986, 1987).
Vivid events that are easier to remember are perceived as being more frequent
or more probable (Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). Taylor and Thompson
(1982) indicated that the audience tends to be more interested in and influenced
by case stories with anecdotal evidence than abstract information with
statistical evidence. Episode narratives “outpull” statistics (Smith & Berger,
1996).
Concrete personal stories could improve comprehension and impression.
Small and Loewenstein (2003) found that people contributed more to a
charity when the contributions were framed to benefit a family that had
already been selected from a list than when told that a family would be
selected from the same list. Examination with case stories will assist
researchers in assessing whether the interaction effect between framing effects
and vivid presentation can be replicated. The other common way to frame
statistics is to present frequency information with different sizes of numerators
(e.g., Chang, 2006; Wong & Kwong, 2005). For example, “640 million
out of 1.9 billion children from the developing world live without adequate
shelter” is statistically equivalent to “1 in 3 children from the developing
world live without adequate shelter.” Frequency with a large-size numerator
may cause the illusion of base-rate neglect. Different manipulations will
facilitate the generalizability of our findings in understanding how charitable
appeals work.
Third, what other boundary conditions may come into play? Framing
influences on mood that might act as a moderator deserve further attention.
Researchers have suggested that positively framed appeals in charitable
solicitations influence more favorably than do those framed negatively since
gift giving is generally associated with positive affect (Smith & Berger, 1996).
Smith and Berger’s findings were explained based on the thesis of Arrow
(1974), which argued that donors give altruistically to benefit or enhance
the satisfaction of others. This also fits the notion of warm-glow giving
(Andreoni, 1990). The positive affect literature (Isen, 1993) suggests that
situations associated with positive feelings give rise to a general state of
positive affect that motivates people to maintain the positive feeling state.
A recent study by Chang (2007b) further suggests that framing effects are
influential on people in a positive mood, but are attenuated for those in a
negative mood in the context of healthcare advertising. Thus, one possible
proposition could be that a positive mood might moderate framing effects on
charitable advertising effectiveness and increase the effects of positive
framing. In addition, during the past few years, charity fundraising across
countries has developed from a predominantly nonprofessional, voluntary-
2930 CHANG AND LEE
based exercise to a highly competitive, professionally managed marketing
operation (Perrine & Heather, 2000). Further research could consider the
effectiveness of various media channels (e.g., broadcasts on radio, television,
or Internet) for charitable appeals, which will have direct applications in the
executions of format and the layout of charity advertising used to grab public
attention.
In summary, the present study has provided new insights into presentation
formats while promoting charitable donation messages to the public, in
addition to suggestions of specific attributes associated with information
formats commonly used in charitable communication. How information and
statistics are expressed makes little factual and mathematical difference, but
it does create a psychological significance. The findings suggest that appropriately
framed messages should be incorporated into charity advertising to
promote public endorsement, leading to increased donations for nonprofit
organizations.
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